By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything relatively amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. now not actual, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be mounted, and needs to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to deal with Europe's emergence as an enormous energy. one of those usa of Europe, with overseas priorities assorted from these of the U.S., has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly struggle realities; either Democrats and Republicans count on the eu Union to fall into step, and record for provider as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, besides the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the global level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq warfare has introduced them into stark aid. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it used to be a few department among American targets and ecu targets. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the us end result of the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American unique dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a distinct dating with the ecu Union. This time table is galvanized via the innovations of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this ebook, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British top minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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I was particularly interested in Clark’s opinions, because he has experienced the alliance’s strengths and weaknesses from a unique vantage point—that of a general who had to please multiple bosses (fifteen EU nations, NATO, and the United States) and win a war at the same time. Clark and I spoke at the Regency Hotel in New York just a week before he announced his attempt to win the Democratic nomination 12 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq for the 2004 Presidential elections. For the record, I left our meeting without any clue as to his intentions in this regard but with a healthy respect for his grasp of transatlantic issues and personalities, his engaging qualities as an interlocutor, and his sense of humor.
Baker III Institute at Rice University—a prolific foreign policy think tank run by the dynamic diplomat 18 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq Edward Djerejian, one of America’s leading Middle-East experts, who has been United States Ambassador to Israel and Syria. The Houston branch of New York’s Asia Society is an active and vibrant part of the Houston international scene, which now also includes a growing and thriving South Asian immigrant population. Baker is part of the family that founded Houston, and that quiet, understated power results equally from his roots and from his own unquestioned accomplishments as a lawyer, diplomat, and public servant.
So even though it is a fundamentally deeper divide, we ought not to let our disappointments cloud our judgment,” Baker warns. It is a sentiment with which every interlocutor in this book would concur. But, as this chapter is beginning to reveal, and as the rest of this book will demonstrate, the geopolitical realities on which the alliance was based have changed, and it is not going to be as easy any more. There were, however, two important dissenters to the idea that this rift is fundamentally different from past ones and will not be easy to repair: Senator Chuck Hagel of Nebraska and former British Prime Minister John Major.
America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar A. Kashmeri